Here is an extremely interesting paper by Kalpana Kochhar, Utsav Kumar, Raghuram Rajan, Arvind Subramanian and Ioannis Tokatlidis on India's development pattern:
Section II of the paper introduces the key features of the Indian economy before 1980. Most of the statistics quoted here would be quite surprising to the average reader such as me:
- Value added shares by sector: Indian manufacturing, contrary to belief, was contributing a far greater percentage (~5% more) than the average for countries at India's income level. Even after correcting for India's geographic size, the gap reduces to only ~2% (though the latter is not statistically significant). Services was a negative outlier; India's services sector contributed ~4% less than it should given India's income level.
- Employment share: Employment share in manufacturing was in keeping with India's income level. However, services employed lesser people (by ~ 8%) than a country of India's income should.
- Labour and Skill Intensity: It was noted, surprisingly, that both value added ratio and employment share in labour intensive industries in India is negative (though not statistically significant). Productivity in labour intensive industries, however, was found to be higher given size and income. Similarly, both value added ratio and employment share in skill-intensive industries is high; and so is productivity - all of these corrected for income and size.
- Scale: It was found that while within India, the larger industries contributed a greater share of value added and employment share than similar nations; Indian industries on an average are smaller than their counterparts elsewhere.
- Diversification: In terms of both employment share and value added ratio, India was found to be more diversified than other similar nations.
Section III of the paper presents the post-1980s period. It first briefly enlists the changes that were introduced in the 1980s and 1990s. However, the interest part of this section is when they talk about certain key indicators of the economy.
- Sectoral Composition: Manufacturing was seen to perform badly after reforms, both in the level of value add ratio, and the change in value add ration (though both coefficients are not statistically significant). It is services which grew immensely in the period. India outperformed the average in similarly placed economies by ~ 4% in the level of services value add ratio, and ~10% in the change in services value add ratio. However, employment in services continued to be lower (by ~17%) than similarly placed economies.
- Labour and Skill Intensity: Ratio of value added in labour-intensive industries continued to fall in India. At the same time, skill-intensive industries continued to increase their ratio of value added. Moreover, both the level and change in diversification in India has been higher than other countries.
Section IV of the paper deals with the performance of the states post-reforms. In sub-section A, the authors talk about sectoral composition of the states' economies - they note that change in share of manufacturing in GDP and change in ratio of value added in labour-intensive units are uncorrelated with the growth in per capita GDP over the year 1980-2000. They also note that either of the two - decline in share of manufacturing or decline in share of labour intensive units - has happened in every fast growing state. As is common belief, the share of services in GDP increased in all states (except Nagaland). Moreover, this share was positively correlated with growth of per capita GDP. However, an interesting point is that growth in per capita GDP was negatively correlated with growth in share of public services - thus implying that in the laggard states (J&K, Bihar, Orissa, Assam, MP, UP), the role of Government in the provision of services grew. The authors then point out that diversification is still correlated, albeit midly, with growth in per capita GDP. Some states, they note, have already started becoming more concentrated, thus behaving like advanced nations in the Imbs and Wacziarg (2003) relationship.
Subsequently in Section V, the authors attempt to explain what caused growth to accelerate by looking at what determined the success of the individual states.
- Pre-existing capability: The authors take the Herfindahl index as a proxy for this. The relation between annual growth of per capita GDP and the Herfindahl index is strongly negative, implying that states that were more diversified grew more after the 1980s. To test whether such a relationship was observed in previous decades, a similar exercise was done for previous decades and it was observed that the negative relationship was significant (despite correcting for quality of institutions and literacy level) only in the 1990s, and not in the 1980s or before. Finally, the correlation of value added by an industry in 1980 and 1997 was found to be least for the fast-growing economies, thus implying that the faster growing states did not simply do more of what they were doing better anyway.
- Decentralisation: If decentralisation after the 1980s caused growth to accelerate, then one would expect state-level institutions to determine growth. When per capita income growth was regressed on transmission and distribution (T&D) losses in electricity transmissions (a proxy for the quality of institutions), it was seen that the coefficient was negative. This implies that states that had managed to cut down T&D losses, or had better institutions as is implied, saw better growth.